Wednesday 21 December 2016

Wike versus Rotimi: Speaking Truth to Power on Rivers’ Re-run Elections - By SMB Johnson

Wike versus Rotimi: Speaking Truth to Power on Rivers’ Re-run Elections
By SMB Johnson, www.smbafrica.org, 08149382121 as published by Politics Today (Online) Newspaper



The muse to write this maiden piece on this nascent platform is premised on the need for apposite grilling and figuring of Nigeria’s political space vis-à-vis its configuration, discourses, sharing, intrigues, nuances, conflicts, alliances, etc – thereby exposing both its constructive and muted affects - in order to achieve political trajectories for current and future political leaders in Nigeria and Africa at large. This muse was further accentuated by the on-going political rivalries and electoral wars between two political gladiators: the incumbent governor (Wike) of Rivers state and ex-governor (Hon. Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi) - currently serving as federal minister in Nigeria. These two gladiators no doubt were on the same political divide before the 2015 general election, however, they became arch-enemies when Rotimi decamped to the All Progressive Congress (APC). For full texts, click here

Tuesday 1 November 2016

Historical Notes on Inter-Regional Trade in Pre-Colonial Africa and Reflections for 21st Century Africa – JOHNSON Sesan Michael


Historical Notes on Inter-Regional Trade in Pre-Colonial Africa and Reflections for 21st Century Africa – JOHNSON Sesan Michael

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Executive Summary: 

This work examines the nature and structure of inter-regional trade in pre-colonial Africa. In doing this, this work identifies the various factors that triggered inter-regional trade among different African regions. It further does an elucidation on the inter-regional trade routes. It also takes a swipe consideration of the evolution of markets in pre-colonial Africa as well its periodicity and regularity. Significantly, this conversation identifies the transduction of the exchange mechanism of pre-colonial African economy from the adoption of the trade by barter system to the use of some forms of currencies. Apart from the general use of cowries, this paper categorically identifies and interrogates ‘special purpose currencies’ such as gold, iron, copper and salt. Distinctively, this paper also identifies some tribes that played significant roles in inter-regional trade in pre-colonial Africa. These tribes or group of people include the Hausa, the Dyula, the Tuaregs, the Kamba and the Nyamwezi. In the concluding part, this conversation ends by highlighting the impact of inter-regional trade in pre-colonial Africa.

Without mincing words, some western authors have described the history of pre-colonial Africa as traditional and un-changing. There was the overwhelming belief that agriculture and the economy of pre-colonial Africa were immobilised by the combination of primitive technology, communal land tenure system and the extended family structure. However, this paper argues that inter-regional trade in pre-colonial Africa was not static but full of dynamism, changes, revolutions, innovation, inventions and adaptation.

Fundamentally, this paper does a historical reflection on the nature and character of inter-regional trade in the pre-colonial era of Africa by interrogating it within the framework of what is obtainable in inter-regional trade in this 21st century Africa and therefore opines that if Africa look inward and take a historical reflection on the past particularly on the evolution, innovation and progress that characterised inter-regional trade in pre-colonial Africa, Africa of today will able to get out of the current economic doldrums and therefore be able to advantageously reposition herself within the North-South dichotomy currently characterising the global system.

To read the full texts in PDF format, please, click here

Thursday 30 June 2016

Historicizing Social Media as a Public Sphere for Participatory Democracy in Nigeria - by JOHNSON Sesan Michael



Note: This is an on-going work

Introduction
Background:
“The value of the communication experience has undergone a sea-change; from the need to share it, to the need to share in it. Technology and social media in particular have brought power back to the people; with such technologies, established authorities are now undermined and users are now the experts.”[1]

Fred Omu, a pre-eminent historian of the Nigerian Press states that: ‘Beginning with the emergence of the West African Pilot in 1937, the media has played a pivotal role in promoting political awareness, moulding public opinion and accentuating democratisation in Nigeria.’[2] A plethora study of the political history of Nigeria had clearly established the anti-colonial roles the media, particularly the print media played. Thus, the media was an established force in the nationalistic struggle for the attainment of political independence of Nigeria from Britain.[3] In a nutshell, the media are not the holders of power, but they constitute by and large the space where power is decided. Reuben Abati puts it this way:
At every moment in Nigeria history, the press has been in the forefront, manning the barricades. The centrality to the issues of the day and lives of the people has brought the Nigerian press much travail. From colonial times, it has been treated as a major tool of power. Opposing power centers which feel threaten by its dynamism invariably seek to control the press through several means in which politicians latter result to misuse of mass media to achieve their selfish desire”[4].

 Whereas, politics is dependent on media politics and media politics leads to the struggle over the minds of the masses. Arguably, traditional media has not been able to adequately increased mass participation of citizens in the democratic processes as it is obtainable today in this era of globalisation and proliferation of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs). Put differently, traditional media has not pushed forward democratisation in Nigeria. This was the position of Adesoji when he says:
“The response of the Nigerian Press to the challenges of democratisation has not been adequate. This could be due to the fact that the Nigerian Press has not taken full advantage of the benefits of Globalisation to information dissemination. The implication therefore is that many challenges have either not been met at all or not properly met. While the Nigerian press could be excused on the ground that it is still globalising, it is pertinent to say that there is the need for it to quicken its pace so that it can catch up with the novel developments characteristic of the globalised world. This will no doubt enhance its ability to cope with the growing challenges of democratisation and other developments in the world.”[5]

Markedly, as an additional and alternative tool to the traditional media, the Social Media within the contexts of globalisation has aided the globalisation process of the Nigeria’s traditional media. Social media as a phenomenon has transformed the interaction and communication of individuals throughout the world. Social Media has become ubiquitous and important for social networking and content sharing, particularly in the political milieu.  It continues to be a great platform for democratic conversations and political events, thereby facilitating and accentuating participatory democracy in Nigeria. Politically, as it is obtainable in other public spheres of life, social media has the power to influence millions of people. The Social Media is at an alarming rate becoming a veritable campaign network against corporate malfeasances, governmental fiscal recklessness, political laxity and other forms of endemic corruption.
Meanwhile, it is evident that starting with the February 1999 election which led to the emergence of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo as the president, Nigeria was ushered in into new thresholds of democratisation. The proliferation of democratic institutions, the emancipation of political landscapes, the constancy & creditability of elections hitherto unheard of, particularly the acceptability of defeat by an incumbent president in Nigeria in 2015, have all signalled that a thrust towards democratic consolidation is evident and on a quantum increase in Nigeria.[6]
Recent elections in Nigeria served as the best examples of the affirmative affects that social media platforms can have. In 2011 and 2015, during the voters’ registration and elections, Nigerians on Twitter, Facebook and other Social Media platforms actively participated in the political engineering and electioneering. Oser, Hooghe, and Marien opine that the use of social media is accentuating participatory democracy[7] and this is more apparent among all stakeholders (the electorates, politicians, policy makers, government officials, civil societies, etc) and its roles in ensuring political accountability will certainly continue; because, more Nigerians are having more access to the Internet, the Social Media and mobile phones. As a matter of fact, more Nigerians are accessing the Internet and Social Media via their mobile phones. And for instance, 80% of Internet use in Nigeria is via mobile phone. About 48 millions of Nigerians are on the Social Media. Recent report shows that Africa is currently the second largest mobile phone market after Asia, with more than 700 million mobile connections and no doubt, Nigeria has the chunk of this percentage.
One thing that is certain is the fact that the underlying impact of social media platforms cannot be denied because they are revolutionising the political cosmology of Nigeria. Social media has thus far had numerous implications for both Nigerian leaders and the electorates. It’s no longer news that during the processes that culminated into the 2015 General Election in Nigeria the social media played a critical part in allowing political actions to be organized through the social networks of people with shared interest in democracy and common desires for liberty and arguably, fast track the democratisation process that culminated into the emergence of the ‘Opposition Party’ (All Progressives Congress) as the ‘Ruling Party’.

Statement of the Research Problems/Questions
Extant literature had captured the roles played by the traditional media (newspaper, television, and radio) in promoting democratisation in Nigeria. With globalisation coupled with advancement in ICT and the proliferation of the social media and social network sites which was ushered in with the transduction from web 1.0 to web 2.0; and apparently with the integration of the traditional media with web 2.0 technologies (since most dominant traditional media in today’s Nigeria now have online presence); it has been argued that the social media is aggressively accentuating political participation and democratisation in Nigeria. Though, the roles and the nuances of the social media within the framework of Nigeria’s democratic experience between 1999 and the 2015 General Election had been interrogated, yet, it has been argued against the suggestion that social media contributed to the defeat of the incumbent president during the 2015 General Election in Nigeria. Therefore, attempts are hereby be made in the paper to consider, interrogate and scrutinise this claim within the framework of the Manuel Castells’ theory of power and counter-power.
The major research questions which guide this study and to which it provides answers include: First, how social media was used to increase political participation/engagements (citizens’ participation in democracy) vis-à-vis voters’ registration and election results monitoring? Second, did online monitory of elections and online reporting of elections results play any roles in ensuring fair and free election during the 2015 General Elections of Nigeria? Third, how media politics, power and counter power played out on the social media and did they contribute to regime change in Nigeria in 2015?  


[1] Odoemelam, C. C. and Adibe, K.N, ‘Political Conflicts And Political Communication in Africa: An Analysis of Social Media Role’, Paper presented at the ACCE, Covenant University, Ota, 2011
[2] Fred I.A. Omu, Press and Politics in Nigeria, 1880-1937, London: Longman, 1978, pp. 204-240 as cited in Adesoji , Abimbola O. Globalization of the media and the challenges of Democratisation in Nigeria,’ Nebula, 2006
[3] Adesoji , Abimbola O. Globalization of the media and the challenges of Democratisation in Nigeria,’ Nebula, 2006
[4] Reuben Abati, “Democratic struggle, freedom of expression and the Press in Nigeria” Paper presented at the Human Rights Second National Conference, Kano, Nigeria, 1998
[5] Adesoji, Abimbola O., Globalization of the media and the challenges of Democratisation in Nigeria,’ Nebula, . 2006
[6] SMB Johnson, ‘Unstoppable March of Social Media and Democratisation’, http://www.ngrguardiannews.com/2015/09/unstoppable-march-of-social-mediaand-democratisation/, September 15, 2015 2:40 am
[7] Oser, Jennifer, Marc Hooghe, and Sofie Marien, “Is Online Participation Distinct from Offline Participation? A Latent Class Analysis of Participation Types and Their Stratification.” Political Research Quarterly 66 (1), 2013, 91–101 as cited in Christa Odinga,  ‘Use of New Media during the Kenya Elections’,  Master’s Thesis submitted to the Department of Informatics and Media at Uppsala University, in June 2013

My Papers Presentation: TOFAC 2016

I will be having the grace and pleasure of presenting the following paper during the up-coming TOFAC 2016 at Redeemer's University, Ede, Osun State, Nigeria - July 04 - July 06, 2016.



11.   A Historical Contextuality of the Migration of Ijebu People into Ibadanland, ca 1830-1960’s  - Johnson Sesan Michael
22.  Oduduwa-Obatala’s Political Tolerance in Ile-Ife: A Pre-Colonial African Prototype for Elite Accommodation in Governance - Johnson Sesan Michael
33. Ajere: An Alternative Perspective of Nigeria Unity in Diversity – Shina Alimi and Johnson Sesan Michael

Friday 4 March 2016

Economic Integration in West Africa: Revisiting Jide Olagbaju and Toyin Falola’s ‘Economic Cooperation: The ECOWAS Example’ By SMB Johnson





by Sesan M. JOHNSON



This tome by Olagbaju and Falola re-evaluates the activities of ECOWAS since its inception in 1975 with a view to highlighting its major constraints and critical issues for the future of the sub-region. In doing this, this chapter tries to look into the rationale for economic cooperation in West Africa. The chapter agrees with Charles Penthard in defining Economic Cooperation as ‘the coming together of geographically approximate states which share a sense of inadequacy in dealing with the problems of security and warfare’. It also affirms that economic integration as a strategy of socio-political and economic development is now recognised by most countries. Therefore, the desire to achieve increase in living standards of the people through economic cooperation has given rise to ECOWAS.



Peter Robson in the ‘The Economic of International Integration’ identified the conditions necessary for a trade creating economic cooperation as:

1.      a large economic area and large number of countries in the union;

2.      a lower average post-union tariff level than the pre-union level;

3.      competitive member states’ economies such that the range of products produced by higher cost industries in the different parts of the union is similar but their raw materials should be complementary and

4.      larger intra-union trade than trade with non-members.

Significantly, Olagbaju and Falola agree with Peter Robison, they further observe that these conditions that are favourable to a successful economic integration based on Orthodox Theory are apparently absent in West African countries using ‘Intra West African Trade Matrix 1975’ published by the United Nations Foreign Trade Statistics for Africa to buttress this observation.


The paper also outlines the historical development of cooperation, especially, economic cooperation in West Africa. It observes that only the French colonies continued with their pre-independence cooperative efforts, especially in the economic fields. All links among the former British colonies except the existence of West African Examination Council were dissolved after independence. The Union Donaniere les Etated de l’Afrique Orridentale (UDAO) was formed in the early 1960s by Cote d’Ivoire, Dahomey (now Republic of Benin), Mauritania, Mali, Senegal, Niger and Upper Volta. UDAO later became UDEAO (Union Donaiere des Etas de l’Afrique de Qu’est) in 1966 and was transformed to CEAO (Communate Economique de l’Afrique de L’Afrique de l’Quest) in 1973.



Olagbaju and Falola also point out that most of the organisations which sprang up short after independence were either more or less a continuation of colonial groupings or patterned and monitored by colonial administrators. They are reputed for their failures for reasons highlighted by Abdul Zalloh in ‘Political Integration in French-speaking Africa: Institute of International Studies, Berkeley, 1973’. Of high significance today, there are about thirty economic groupings with predominantly West African membership. Eighteen of these organisations were founded in the 1970s and ECOWAS was one of them.

ECOWAS


Categorically, the tome states that ECOWAS was formed when the Head of States and governments or their representatives from 15 West African nations met in Lagos 18th July 1975 and signed the treaty providing for the establishment of ECOWAS, although this idea had been conceived before this date.



PROBLEMS OF ECOWAS


The paper reiterates it earlier position that the various disparities between member-states particularly in population, land area and resources endowment and economic development are serious obstacles to integration between and among ECOWAS member-states.



It was also observed in the tome that the low per-capital income in West Africa means low purchasing power in turn limits the scope of industrialisation and diversification. West African economies are also competitive in terms of raw materials and production instead of being complimentary. Other problems include the low level of trade between West African countries, poor infrastructural links among West African states, the railroad and telecommunications systems were built to serve individual country. Transport facilities are also geared to the need of overseas rather intra-regional trade. Intra-regional trade among ECOWAS is therefore physically difficult, time consuming and costly. A further area of problem pointed by these writers is the distribution of benefits from integration. The issue of distributing equitably the gains and/or losses from integration has been repeatedly identified as a potential threat to the success of ECOWAS, judging from the experience of similar groupings among developing countries. In addition, there are other administrative and political problems such as the effects of colonialism, concentration of power to representatives of Heads of States (the Authority) and Ministers (in the Council of Ministers) and frequent political changes in West Africa.

Conclusion


Fundamentally, Olagbaju and Falola did not mince words in observing that there is a widespread belief among developing countries especially ECOWAS member-states that economic integration could be a panacea for encouraging economic development and interchange. Also, significantly, these writers outlined the historical development of economic groupings in West Africa especially that of ECOWAS. They go on to highlight ECOWAS’ goal and aims, and identify the various problems militating against the progress.

I am of the opinion that the paper has pointed out the potential problems not out of pessimism concerning ECOWAS, but as a warming to the decision makers in West Africa to be better prepared to tackle them. I also pitch my tent with Olagbaju and Falola that, hopefully, ECOWAS can succeed if there is the sufficient determination and the right political commitment by member-states