Dele Momodu Pinches Peter Obi on Leadership problématique in Nigeria - As written by Sesan Michael (SMB) JOHNSON

Dele Momodu Pinches Peter Obi on Leadership problématique in Nigeria - As written by Sesan Michael (SMB) JOHNSON

Within the realms of the Internet-of-things, one of the frenzy, currency and problématique of the period of COVID-19 pandemic in Nigeria is IG chat session - a Social Media showmanship and social craft stage by celebrities, opinion moulders, social commentators and statesmen to open up new thresholds and to create progressive trajectories for the people and for the nation. Such was today’s exotic dialogue between two icons who are both businessmen-cum-politicians.

With little pinches of technical convolution, encrusted with contested tensions in the chat rooms and without the shenanigans that usually greet conventional press briefings and interviews, Chief Dele Momodu’s IG chat with Sir Peter Obi began around 7: 26 pm on Friday, 17^th April, 2020. It is apt to note that the tête-à-tête was also syndicated on Facebook and Youtube. It started out with a friendly opener when Dele Momodu asked how Peter Obi has been able to go far as a success brand. Expectedly, Peter Obi just like every other successful Nigerian replied pointing to the grace of God in his life. Who else will argue against what has to do with God, after all, Femi Otedola said the same thing when he was asked similar question sometimes ago.

Anyways, the next question of Dele Momodu centred on the main problems or challenges militating against the progress of Nigeria. In his characteristic manner, Peter Obi harangued that lack of effective educational system is the foundational problem of the nation. On the part of leadership, he reiterated that Nigeria’s leadership is not presently anchored on business orientation. Hence, no direction and no progress! He argued that leadership must be premised on understandable vision/mission that is measurable and embedded with clear-cut plan of actions that will practically lead to a destination. Peter Obi is here recasting the SMART framework for a successful business. Whereas, such leadership configuration will invent proactive public pedagogy to aggressively educate the masses about the new progressive trajectories the whole nation must collectively follow.

In his disquisition, Peter Obi did a binary comparative analysis between Nigeria and Ghana within the frameworks of the nations’ GDPs, external reserves and national budgets. He acquiesced that Nigeria’s leadership sky-rocketed internal and external vulnerabilities of the masses as a result of bad decisions. He wondered how citizens of Ghana are faring better than Nigerians. Markedly, Dele Momodu interjected him by highlighting the fact that perhaps Ghana is better because of its small population when compared with Nigeria’s population. However, Peter Obi swiftly referred to nations such as China and Indonesia with huge population higher than that of Nigeria.

When he was pinched by Dele Momodu on the leadership problématique of the country, Peter Obi categorically submitted that it is not just about the Presidency alone, as all leaders (ward councillors, local government chairmen, state and federal legislators, state governors, president, etc) must understand where the ‘vehicle’ of the country is heading to.

Consequently, Dele Momodu asked, how can we now solve this leadership debacle? With affirmation, Peter Obi argued that the process of selecting leadership in Nigeria is faulty. Without mincing words, he retorted that the electorate is at faulty also because they are habitually complaisant, credulous and uncritical.

Appearing not done with the ruling elite, Peter Obi pointedly mentioned a time during his stint as the governor of Anambra state. He recalled when there was a sudden gush in crude oil revenue leading to swell in National Foreign Reserves of the country. With catalogue of back and forth arguments on what to do with the largesse, the majority opted for outright sharing among the federating units. This was against few dissenting arguments. 

Surprisingly, while blaming this unproductive decision by the nation’s leadership then, Peter Obi did not exonerate itself. His submission was that, if the Sovereign Wealth Fund was well managed then and probably, was thereafter well managed by the current government, the nation will currently be having billions of dollars in its Sovereign Wealth Fund. Evidently, this would have been useful in this period of COVID-19 pandemic. In an unprecedented manner, Peter Obi said leaders in Nigeria do not usually feel remorseful by tendering apologies for their boorish decisions that had caused national misfortune, talk less of being subjected to the nation’s justice systems. He opined some should be rotting in jail. 

Paradoxically, in his words, ‘all of us are still in charge’.

As if not satisfied yet, Dele Momodu squeezed Peter Obi again, then, what political template could the nation adopt to produce good leadership? Peter Obi emphasized that the proletariat (workers) are not ready for a change – a paradigm shift. He grieved that politicians will always seek for the dividends of their ‘investments’ in the electioneering process. Dele Momodu quickly asked, what must be changed then? We must change the process of selection, Peter Obi replied. The electorate must not support the people that do not have capacity. He opined that the electorate are not ready to make the political leaders accountable and accountability is sacred.

Dele Momodu bickered that lack of men and women of capacity and competence is not the problem. He cited few high performers like Peter Obi, himself, Donald Duke, etc. He once again pinched Peter Obi by asking, how come good performers has not ended up at the presidency? While aligning with the agitation of Dele Momodu, Peter Obi argued that these so-called high performers who are presently interested in engaging the political process in Nigeria are very few compared to poor performers. In his words, it is a case of 5% versus 95%. For Peter Obi, there is a great need for critical mass engagement. The generality of the people must know and believe in the new threshold for the progress of the country.

Not done yet with the issue of good leadership for the country, Dele Momodu further asked Peter Obi on how do we form or forge a mass movement in Nigeria, since this appears to be a herculean task. He hypothesised how the trilogy of ethnicity, religion and money (cash! cash! cash!) are rapidly and consistently becoming spanners in the wheel of progress of this country. Categorically, Dele Momodu declared that ‘I don’t see this happening’. Peter Obi concurred that the trilogy of ethnicity, religion, and cash (ERC) cannot lead the nation to progress. He elucidated further that the populace should shirk the whims and caprices of money sharing politicians. According to him, what has become of the money we shared from the revenues from coal, petroleum, etc? For him, what we need is ‘Smart and Creative Governance’. We need leaders who have something to offer. Leaders, who are past performers with good antecedence. We do not need a man with no known resume or job coming into leadership. Our systems must be engineered to evaluate and assess peoples’ past performance in order to be so sure of their future trajectories.

Following comparative paradigm utilized earlier on by Peter Obi, Dele Momodu cited how things changed dramatically in Liberia after its Civil War, though not perfect. How in Ghana within three years, light was becoming regular premised on rationalizing along a zoning system that make power available at specific times on a regular basis. Dele Momodu put it to Peter Obi, how do we deal with the issue of bureaucracy? Among other things, according to Peter Obi, the President must speak out and challenge any one creating bottlenecks for effective running of government. For instance, he berated the meddlesomeness in the way the present government is handling the issue of Nigerians in Diaspora who are planning to come back home due to COVID-19. He lamented on how can a nation be saying it does not have enough bed space in isolation centres for these returnees? He referred to how Ghana handled that effectively without any national embarrassment.

In retrospect, Dele Momodu recounted 1978 Ali Must Go struggle in his early days at Obafemi Awolowo University. He lamented that such agitation for progress in Nigeria still persist till date. Premised on that, he asked Peter Obi to take a punch on the issue of restructuring, being one of the main agitations in today’s Nigeria.  Peter Obi’s cogitation centred on the need to totally embrace ‘True Federalism’ and to shun over centralisation of the federal frameworks of Nigeria. He opined that most of the agitations and issues of insecurity in Nigertia point to leadership failure at all levels of government borne out of insincerity of purpose to restructure Nigeria.

When charged on the issue of corruption, Peter Obi retorted that there is no nation that is free of corruption and criminality. He said what must be done is to always follow due process and also to create and strengthen systems and institutions of governance. Using his experience as governor of Anambra state, he practically described how he dramatically cut down costs of governance and blocked loopholes that would have facilitated huge corruption.

On a lighter note, Dele Momodu asked Peter to express his thought on the current cash transfer going on the country. Jocularly, Peter Obi wondered how we are physically distributing cash in this period. He added that Mexican and Brazilian templates on conditional cash transfers are there for Nigeria to reference. He emphasized that government must provide for the needs of its citizenry in a precarious time like this if the government does not want contravention of laws and orders.

On the issue of insecurity in Nigeria, Peter Obi stated that internal mechanism that guarantees security infrastructure must be forged. He enjoins governments to provide internal security infrastructure for markets, churches, local governments, schools, communities, state, etc. He reiterated the effectiveness of this security model in Anambra when he was the governor.

Dele Momodu climaxed the IG conversation by asking Peter Obi to share his experience in the last General Election. Peter Obi succinctly replied that they (Atiku, Obi, etc) believed the electoral process was faulty and that was why they challenged the validity of the outcome of the election up to the Supreme Court. In his words, ‘we did so because we believe in Nigeria... I have no other country other than Nigeria’.

Finally, Dele Momodu picked on Peter Obi when he asked, ‘before you ventured into politics, you are a wealthy man, how come you are stingy? (Dele Momodu put on a smiling face). Shrouding himself up on his chair, Peter Obi in the affirmative declared that ‘wealth must be for a purpose and not for weekend parties; money has its purpose – not just for wearing nice shoes. We must use money purposefully’. As his final words on the IG chat with Dele Momodu who is also a fellow businessman-cum-politician, Peter Obi, a former governor of Anambra state and Vice Presidential candidate of the People’s Democratic Party during the 2019 General Election concluded that ‘let us work collectively to move this nation forward’. 

Dictatorship and Reframing the Title of the President – By Sesan Michael Johnson

Dictatorship and Reframing the Title of the President – By Sesan Michael Johnson

The Punch newspaper’s use of the title of Major General for the president and Wole Soyinka’s use of President-General are just pointers to the agitation about the alleged dictatorial propensity of the president of the country. Without mincing words, the president was once a Major General and it is generally believe that once a military man, you are a military man forever. Who can even deny the fact that the president is constitutionally the Head of the Armed Forces, i.e., the Commander-in-Chief (C-in-C).

Whereas, the brazen actions of the DSS on Sowore amidst other allegations of frontal flouting of court judgments by the Presidency and its agents are continually affirming this agitation. Is this accusation tenable? Is the president really a dictator? In what ways has Buhari manifested dictatorship? As a Rtd. Major General and former Head of State, Buhari was a dictator when he ruled this country between 1983 and 1985 before he was toppled via a coup by another dictator (IBB). This is markedly supported by Nigeria’s political history. Evidently, Buhari’s dictatorial antecedents cannot be deleted from our collective memories. What is arguable or questionable is whether the president is currently a dictator?


After all, Buhari himself asserts that he is now a converted democrat. What do Nigerians tend to gain or lose with the possibilities of the resurrection of Buhari’s dictatorship? Pro-Buhari groups argue that at worst Buhari’s dictatorship will help fight corruption to a standstill in Nigeria. Can Buhari’s dictatorship help the country to recover looted funds? Judging by the antecedents of some historical benevolent dictators, can we allow Buhari to become a democratic dictator? If Buhari’s dictatorship will help Nigeria achieve progress and development, why can’t we allow him to become one? Too many questions begging for answers and we may not exhaust them all in this (single) piece.


What are the socio-political and economic conditionalities in Nigeria that could reconvert Buhari to a dictator? Buhari’s ‘Cult of Personality’ and the locusts of die-hard online crusaders with the flowery and sponsorship of their dedication by political shenanigans at the corridors of power portend grave concerns. History reminds us that Hitler and other world dictators enjoined ‘Cults of Personality’ that eventually beclouded their sense of humanity. In the same sense, there have been different accusations that Buhari is pursuing a Fulani agenda. Many had pointed to the seemingly ambivalence of Buhari’s presidency to some of these ethnic-based clashes particularly to those orchestrated by some marauding herdsmen and Islamic chauvinists. Has anyone proven this Fulani agenda to be true? I am afraid that even OBJ’s claim of Fulanisation agenda has not proven this beyond doubt. However, what cannot been questioned is the special sensationalism the president has for his tribe and the large dose of Fulani nationalism the president enjoys. If as alleged, Buhari is truly a stark promoter of Hausa/Fulani agenda or Islamic fundamentalism, the current situations can increase his propensity towards dictatorship. Consider Hitler’s Germany as one of the most paradoxical and striking cases. While there were some German anti-Semitic agitations during the late 19th century, Germany did not seem the most likely place for dictatorship to thrive. Hitler manipulated the polity by arousing Germany’s nationalistic jingoism to promote his dictatorship not only against the rest of Europe but also against non-Aryan people in Germany (German-Jews, etc).


In the same manner, Russia’s Bolshevik regime leveraged its dictatorship on the general hatred for the ‘bourgeoisie’ (capitalists) who were blamed for the Soviets’ ills. Afterwards, Lenin’s subtle dictatorship became exemplified through his ‘command economy’ he executed during the Russian Civil War between the White Army and the Red Army. Lenin’s successor, Stalin (a brutal dictator) pushed that philosophy farther, exterminating the so-called ‘corrupt rich’ who came to include rich peasants (kulaks) through his ‘purge’. It is on historical records that Stalin’s Steel Hand eventually fell on the masses thereby leading to full-fledged tyranny and totalitarianism. It is germane to point out that economic recession/depression suffered by Germany and Russia also promoted the dictatorships of the leaders mentioned above. This was applicable to the emergence of Mussolini’s dictatorship in Italy. You can reframe these conditionalities within the Nigeria’s political dynamism.
Since Buhari’s Nigeria has begun, Boko Haram’s insurgency/terrorism in the Northeast, bandits’ attacks in the Northwest, and IPOB’s discordant secession demands for the Republic of Biafra in the Southeast and other national challenges had drastically increased the military involvement in governance particularly in the public and political domain. Whereas, an active and continuous romance between the military and a president who has military background portends a call for dictatorship. Thus, amidst these cacophonous seas of conflicts and challenges pervading Nigeria’s polity, the country remains vulnerable to emergence of a dictator.


Beyond the above discussion, some have pointed to the vulnerability of Lawan’s Senate and credulity of Gbaja’s House, as well as the conniving ambivalence of Tanko’s Judiciary to allege that, it will not be out of place for the president to mature into embracing or unleashing his dictatorial propensity. In the same vein, it is will be easy for the president to demand for arbitrary power to deal with a national emergency and restore order, even though underlying problems might have been caused by bad government policies. Likewise, all in the name of protecting national sovereignty, many people are often willing to go along with and support totalitarianism that would be unthinkable in normal democratic times.


Whereas adverse economic situations are also creating opportunities for dissidents, activists, and opposition elements to rise against the state, however, an aspiring dictator can then use this as his social capital under the guise of national security in order to accomplish his ultimate desire to silent critics and destroy opponents.


With two decades of uninterrupted democracy in Nigeria, many had argued that it will be very difficult for a dictator to emerge in Nigeria. Some opine that this is impossible since the nation’s constitution is anchored on democratic principles. Many people are pointing to the complexity and complicatedness inherent in Nigeria’s heterogeneity. However, dictatorship had surfaced where it is least expected. It had been brewed among prosperous, educated and civilized people who seemed safe from a dictatorship – in Africa, Europe, Asia and South America. Historically, Nigeria has had her dose of dictatorship through military leaders such as Abacha, Babangida, Buhari, etc.


Those who dismiss the possibility of a dictatorial regime in Nigeria need to consider possible developments that could make our circumstances worse and politically more volatile than they are now – like endemic corruption, soaring taxes, pogroms, inter tribal wars, inflation and economic collapse. No doubt, the Nigerian political system with a separation of powers and checks and balances as entrenched in the Constitution does make it more difficult for emergence of a dictator.


To be fair to the government, a president cannot sit down and allows undesirable elements to undermine the security of the state. Governmental powers within the ambit of the rule of laws and the country’s Constitution must be utilised to stop anti-national agenda and retrogression in the country. The president is voted for to protect the nation and the citizens. National interests must be projected and protected above individual and sectional agenda.


Like my readers, I am fully aware of the 1948 fundamental human rights and the rights entrenched in Nigeria’s Constitution. As an advocate of social justice, I strongly believe in freedom of speech, association and expression, freedom of every person of worship, freedom from want, freedom from fear according to Roosevelt’s understanding of a ‘moral democracy’.

"I am Not Yoruba: Rethinking the Entanglements in Femi Fani-Kayode's Disquisition" - By SMB Sesan Johnson

"I am Not Yoruba: Rethinking the Entanglements in Femi Fani-Kayode's Disquisition" - By SMB Sesan Johnson

#Prelude: Recently, as an adjunct I taught a new generation of Nigerian students of history the theme: SOURCES of HISTORY. It was indeed an exciting learning curve both for them and I. I showed a hard copy (scanned copy) of the first Indigenous newspaper in Africa - IWE IROHIN Fun Awon EGBA ati YORUBA to the students when I was teaching on newspapers as sources of history. I was flabbergasted when one of the students pointed to the fact that IWE IROHIN or its author or publisher labelled the Egbas as different from the Yorubas. This further led to more questions about the history, myths, legend and traditions of the Yoruba people.

The other day, Fani Kayode bursted the Twitter space with its salvo that he's not Yoruba but a son of Oduduwa. This had attracted reactions and counter reactions.

I opine that the bone of contention is not the group of people referred to as Yoruba. The argument is on the name YORUBA, its origin, it's originator, the meaning and its affects particularly in this current socio-political milieu.

Identity crisis one may say. Does Yoruba as a word has its root in any of the dialects spoken by any of the Oduduwa's sons or grandsons or by any group that falls within the Yoruba category? Reportedly, chief ElebuIbon, the renown Ifa priest has declared that the word is never mentioned in any Ifa verse. I am still searching for any other claim.

Extant records had reiterated that the word "Yoruba" was first recorded in reference to the Oyo Empire in a treatise written by the 16th century Songhai scholar Ahmed Baba. It was said that it was later popularized by Hausa usage and treatises written in Arabic and Ajami during the 19th century...... In all of these, Yoruba was used to refer to Oyo exclusively. (Ref: Sultan Mohammed Bello's Treatise). Michael Ajayi Crowther and the likes proliferated and frenzied the notion of referring to the people of southwestern Nigeria as Yoruba. Arguably, this had political undertone, partly because they tended to promote the supremacy of Oyo town, who they claimed as their origin. Without mincing words, this ideation aligned with the morbid and sordid interests of the colonial master. Whereas, historians and other scholars will agree that the general acceptability and usability of the Yoruba categorisation of the people of southwestern Nigeria is arguably a late 19th and early 20th century phenomenon. Perhaps, this was also partly a colonial imposition to facilitate colonial rule and was partly accepted by the people themselves because this also helped to promote collectivism among the people. However, pre-colonial histories of different stocks of the people of southwestern Nigeria showed that they didn't at a time consider themselves as Yoruba collectively. This, in spite of external usage of the identity for them. For example, at a time in history (particularly during the Yoruba Civil War), the Ijeshas, the Ekitis and other other people of Yoruba eastern countryside didn't consider themselves as Yoruba. They too referred to Oyo people exclusively as Yoruba. The Egbas too did in the mid 19th century consider themselves as the Egbas, not Yoruba. A reference is why was the first and foremost newspaper (IWE IROHIN) titled "Iwe Irohin Fun Awon Egba ati Yoruba"? By interpretation, the Egbas were distinguished here from the Yorubas. I agree on the plausibility of other interpretations.

But what's the much ado about this Yoruba label for the people of southwestern Nigeria? What is in a name? Whereas, the Ashanti were code named by the French. The Tuareg were named by the Arabs. The Fulani and Hausa were named by outsiders. Suffice to mention here that other groups of people of the world are also cut up in this carnage of external labelling or categorisation or name giving. Britain, France, Germany and Italy as names had external roots. The people themselves didn't give these names. Just like Yoruba, outsiders or external factors or forces directly or indirectly or subtly imposed these names on these countries and the people. The French saw/see themselves as the Gauls but later accepted the usage of France (Francais). The case of the Italians has commonalities with the Yorubas. Until it's unification, the Italians with their different dialects just like the Yorubas didn't consider themselves as Italians or one people. But the need for Unification within the urgency of becoming independent from external suzerainty foisted on them their externally imposed category.
By and large, we can't just flog aside the import of names particularly within the realms of Yoruba's cosmogony. Ile la wo, ka to so'mo loruko...... Oruko omo, lo n ro omo (apologies to non-Yorubas). The Yorubas believe that there's more to one's name. Name can be a label or stigma. In all it's Yoruba name for the sons and daughters of Oduduwa is an exonym but has become an endonym.

Significantly, the name Yoruba has been accepted and had been in use for years. Whereas, amidst the convoluted matrix of cacophony of myths, legends and theories of migrations about their origin, the Yoruba speaking people are acclaimed to be sons and daughters of Oduduwa.

"Igbe Gburuu, Eebi Gburuu at KUDETI: Rivers and other Ibadan Water Bodies as Victims, Carriers and Transmitters of Cholera, 1970-1996" as presented by SMB Sesan Johnson

"Igbe Gburuu, Eebi Gburuu at KUDETI: Rivers and other Ibadan Water Bodies as Victims, Carriers and Transmitters of Cholera, 1970-1996" as presented by SMB Sesan Johnson
 
#Note: This is an abridged version of my paper remotely presented @ "Shaped By the Sea: Histories of Ocean, Science, Medicine and Technology" Conference @ University of Manchester, UK

Ikudaisi left Gege Oloorun early in the morning to make some heaps at his farm only to be proclaimed dead in the evening. Aghast, Ikudaisi's wives and children could not believe that they were seeing the 'dead body' of Ikudaisi. He was well before he left this morning. He was only complaining of vomiting the day before. Like a terrorist and a scourge, cholera had snatched life out of Ikudaisi declared Mogaji Ikulanbe, the family head. Cholera is presently ravaging the whole city opined the Mogaji. It's now becoming a case of 'je amala ni Oje, lo Shan Owo ni Adeoyo". This described some of the public health problematics of Ibadanland between 1970 and 1996.

It's clear that the present generation is faced with a series of unique environmental dilemma and public health problematic, largely unprecedented in human history. While the environment has been a perennial theme in human thought, water bodies (seas, oceans, rivers, lakes, etc) as subsets of the environment and how humans value and think about the environment has become a vital aspect of recent social history. On the one hand, the 1970s signalled a period of intense academic research into the processes of environmental appropriation. On the other hand, during the same period, the environment in Africa (particularly Ibadan) was experiencing a sea of effects from human actions just like other parts of the world. Within the realms of environmental problematic, Ibadan between 1970 and 1996 was characterised with open defecation by riversides (Ona, Kudeti, Ogbere, Ogunpa) and lakesides (Eleyele) and Asejire Dam; abysmal wastes disposal protocols (Gegeoloorun, Foko, Oja'ba, etc.); poor sanitation and illicit WASH framework.

From Lagos, cholera spread to Ibadan in December 1970. Cholera was considered a stranger and a scourge because of the quantum effects in terms morbidity and mortality rates.

Cholera remains a killer disease and a major public health problem in Africa. In the public health discourse of the Yoruba speaking people of Nigeria, "igbe gburuu, eebi gburuu" is the generic description of cholera symptoms, that is, severe vomiting and acute defecation.

It's was great serving as remote speaker/panelist alongside Dr Cristiano Turbil (University College London) and Elina Maanitty (University of Helsinki) at the ongoing "Shaped By the Sea: Histories of Ocean, Science, Medicine and Technology" conference at the Centre for the History of Science, Technology, and Medicine at University of Manchester, UK.

"Knowledges and Epistemologies: Professor Abimbola Adesoji and His 'The Politics of History'" - by SMB Sesan Michael Johnson

#ProfAbimbolaAdesoji #OAU #InauguralLecture

"Knowledges and Epistemologies: Professor Abimbola Adesoji and His 'The Politics of History'" - by SMB Sesan Michael Johnson

"A man can only attain knowledge with the help of those who possess it … One must learn from him who knows”-- G. I. Gurdjieff (c. 1866-1949) 

Abimbola Adesoji, an OAU professor of History and Howard Zinn (1922-2010) who was a historian, playwright, and activist remind me of the profundity, intentionality and complicatedness inherent in theme such as THE POLITICS OF HISTORY.

Drawing binaries and corollaries from the works of these two great historians; I begin to wonder if Adesoji will adopt Zinn's radical approach to historiography and the writing of history in his Inaugural Lecture, thereby providing a revisionist interpretation of the historian's roles in the making of a society and what the society thinks of its history. Markedly, History just like the Media is a variant of the 'technology of knowledge' use and abuse to control power and the people in every society. On the one hand, listening to Adesoji in class i got initiated into an epistemology that sees the study of history as a heterotopia and approaching historical writings premised on 'context in context' pedagogy. On the other hand, one approach I adopted from Howard Zinn was his pedagogy on the radicalization of history. In a nutshell, these two historians are thresholds pushers in historical scholarship. I 'twaley' them.

To know Abimbola Adesoji's historiographical methodology and to feel the imports and trajectories of his disquisition on #ThePoliticsOfHistory; make sure you witness the epoch inaugural lecture of this sagacious professor of History. He's well and globally published. Among other things, he's a Georg Forster Postdoctoral Research Fellow of the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation, Johann Wolfgang Goethe Universitat, Frankfurt, Germany. He's one of the rarest teachers and practitioners of history I had come across in my short sojourn into historical scholarship. His fecundity, audacity and sagacity have continued to remain as eternity in my historicity and liminality. It's golden to listen to him speak.

#Venue: Oduduwa Hall, OAU Ife, Nigeria
#Date: July 9, 2019
#Time: 5pm prompt (OAU no dey use African time o)
See the graphic below for more details

"Dead on Arrival: The Carnage and Deadness of Our Conscience - The Dead as Victim & Weapon of Corruption" - as written by SMB Sesan Michael Johnson

"Dead on Arrival: The Carnage and Deadness of Our Conscience - The Dead as Victim & Weapon of Corruption" - as written by SMB Sesan Johnson

Wole forgetting that he is in Nigeria left ikorodu to attend a business meeting at VGC an hour to the time. He's to manoeuvre his way from Agbowa sub-hub. Realising the exigencies, he took an okada in order to get to the park in time only for him to be knocked down when the bike man was diving to beat the severe potholes on the un-tarred road. With a bang, the road was flooded with blood and skinned skins of humans and the air was filled with lamentation from passerby and horrific chants from chaotic hawkers by the road sides. A cab driver with early resistance agreed to take the accident victims to nearby hospital. He was cacophonously advised to speed up before the victims give up the ghost. However, bad road architecture couldn't make him deliver as promised. This was compounded by the little hiccups his cab had on the way. The car broke down but he managed to quickly apply the 'first aid' he could offer. After all, he's been the one repairing the cab, since, he couldn't afford to pay the 'mechanics' again. On getting to the hospital, the nurses and the doctors chanted 'dead on arrival'.

The above scenario typifies what Nigerians face everyday. The system is rotten with infrastructural decadence and policy imbecility. Things that were not working while I was young over 30 years are deeply entering into comatose. With billions of dollars spent by governments, the Nigerian system is not working. Name any sector that is not affected by this infraction on systemic development in Nigeria.

Not only is our system becoming dead; the deadening system is a product of dead conscience. Leaders of all shades are not activating the right side of their conscience to better our system. Do you know how the system ruptures many great ideas and policies?

Now, an ex-governor used billions of naira to bury the dead. Is that a constitutional assignment? What are we doing to better the lots of the sick so that they won't become dead? What are we doing to improve the health of the masses as they are already listed on the death list? The health status of Nigeria is killing Nigerians in instalments. Many sick people are working corpses. Many are just cheating death by the whisker.

It's becoming a continuous gory site to see individuals with chronic diseases that need urgent surgery to seek public and government interventions via the media. This is a pointer to the deadness the governance in the Nigeria.

Just as we have had cases of monkey and snake swallowing money, are we saying the dead too don dey swallow cash? Whereas, in recent time, the dead were appointed as members of boards. Not not forgetting the perennial cases of 'Ghost Workers' both at state and federal levels.
Whereas, Prof Osinbajo said this week that the issue of kidnapping is an exaggerated case. With this, I fear to conclude that political leadership is dead in Nigeria. The Super Falcons were refused their allowee. Same with the Super Eagles. Whereas, we are expecting the Nations Cup trophy. Abe, things are dead on arrival in Nigeria.

"I stand for Justice, Not for Biodun Fatoyimbo and Not for Busola Dakolo" - By SMB Sesan Micheal Johnson

"I stand for Justice, Not for Biodun Fatoyimbo and Not for Busola Dakolo" - By SMB Sesan Johnson

#COZA
 
#Note: Beware of the danger of a single story. Read before you bring out your dagger. Read with the lens of objectivity.

The Busola Dakolo case against Biodun Fatoyimbo is a complexity embedded with complicity and banality. It's problematic because of its heterogeneity. Here, we are imagining and figuring pastor-cum-member dichotomy, morality, criminality, gendering, priesthood, carnality, religiosity and Christianity.

Biodun Fatoyimbo's fashionista and Gucci brand with the frenzy of rape cum sexual assaults it had attracted is what an average person will want to lament about. So, I'm not surprised by the catalogue of attacks he's receiving presently. To many his imageries and exotic characterisation are confirming and accentuating his culpability for the rape accusation. However, we can not condemn anyone based on emotionality and subjectivity. Busola Dakolo and her lawyers should follow legal protocols to prove the rape allegation. Yes, Fatoyimbo too had responded with a press release debunking the accusation. He also hinted that he will file a court case against his accusers. One thing is sure, they both know each other. No doubt, spiritual father-spiritual daughter relationship had once existed between them. Their contact and relationship is traceable to Ilorin. Other people are involved (Busola's family, Mrs Fatoyimbo and church members). Time will heal the justice or injustice we all seek to address.

So, the public needs to wait for adjudication on this matter instead of taking laws into its hands. The public can not resort to jungle justice. The planned protest at the church premises by some activists should be done with civility and decorum. The protest should be well organised. If not, it could be hijacked by the enemies of the church in Nigeria (not just COZA). Hence, this will confirm the claim or fear that this is one of the orchestrations against the Church (Body of Christ) of God.
As it is for now, It's must be reiterated that this accusation seems not to be against COZA but against the personality of Biodun Fatoyimbo. So, members and leaders of the church must exercise restrains in this matter. The pastor should be advised to wash himself clean at the court of law because he's already condemned in the court of the public.

I will also love to see a situation whereby national Christian leaders will delve into this situation. They should ensure due spiritual and legal protocols are followed.

On the whole, the Dakolo-Fatoyimmbo saga has ignited critical conversation especially in public spheres. The people especially the youths are beginning to rethink and reconfigure their spirituality, religiosity and attachments to spiritual fathers/leaders. Does spirituality connote suspension of intellectuality? If your spiritual father ask you to 'open your legs', will you obey all in the name of obedience to him? Why will women and the girl-child continue to be vulnerable and credulous in religious settings? How can we curb sexual abuse in religious places? Youths are now rethinking and re-theorising the concept of 'touch not my anointed'. With continuous increase in absurdity from the pulpits, the youths are now demanding for scrutiny and critique of spiritual leaders and ecclesiastical orders in the country.

On the one hand, the rascality of some apostolos of Christian disciplinary has accentuated the impracticality of believability in the ecclesiastical order. If you are following the trend, same is applicable to other religions. On the other hand, we can not overwhelmingly conclude that all religious leaders are wolves in sheep's skin.

Busola Dakolo should not be condemned for speaking out, if indeed this rape occurred. This may help our society to rethink the 'culture of silence' on this kind of matter. Her antagonists should wait till when this case is proven as falsehood. In the Same vein, Biodun Fatoyimbo should be at least be given the benefits of the doubt to prove himself innocent.

By and large, this incident will help the Church, not only COZA. Perhaps, if Biodun Fatoyimbo is found culpable and charged. It may trigger a religious revolution that will help to sanitise the priesthood in Nigerian Churches. Whereas, if Biodun Fatoyimbo is found innocent. Then this will confirm that this is persecution of the Man of God anyway. Usually, the church become more stronger after each persecution.

In a nutshell, God is a God of JUSTICE, so I stand for justice.